teaching and gender 4951

In addition, segregation in types of position
within the hierarchy of teaching by gender also
occurs (Cognard Black 2004). Men who enter
teaching rise rapidly in status and often are
tracked into administrative positions. In the US
about 56 percent of principals are men, and male
principals average three more years experience
than women counterparts. This contrasts shar
ply with the disadvantages to advancement that
women often face in male dominated occupa
tions, such as postsecondary teaching.
Gender differences in credentials also account
for some of the pay gap. Male teachers are
more likely to have advanced degrees, and they
average more years of teaching experience than
women. In addition, men are more likely to
teach in unionized systems, and unions have
been successful in raising teacher pay.
Women professors are more poorly paid than
their men counterparts in US colleges and uni
versities, with pay gaps even wider than at the
K 12 level. In recent years women full profes
sors have lost ground compared with men of
similar ranks (AAUP 2004), but at lower ranks
they have gained slightly, mostly as a result of
wage stagnation for men. Among full profes
sors, womens average salaries are 12 percent
lower than mens. HBCUs show a different
pattern. Although overall salaries at these insti
tutions average only about 80 percent of college
salaries generally, women and men of similar
rank are closer to parity (NCES 2004).
Salary gaps reflect in part womens more
recent entry into college teaching and conse
quent lesser seniority and their concentration
into lower paid academic fields. Men have
longer records of uninterrupted service and are
in types of institutions with higher pay; for
example, research universities rather than com
munity colleges. Men also outnumber women
in administrative positions. Women faculty are
ghettoized into lower paid fields (e.g., English,
foreign languages, or education rather than math,
science, business, or law) (NSF 2004). Higher pay
for the male dominated fields usually is justified
by arguments that faculty in these disciplines
have attractive job opportunities outside of aca
demia. Nevertheless, with controls for rank,
degree year, quality of degree, and employer
type, margins of difference favor men (AAUP
Research has been inconsistent about whether
men scholars have been more successful than
women in publication and grant productivity, a
major basis of salary awards in higher education.
Earlier studies concentrated largely on natural
scientists found productivity gaps favoring men,
but more recent works suggest a convergence of
publication and tenure rates, of women and men
in fields such as sociology where women are not
tokens (Hargens & Long 2002).
A comprehensive study of faculty shed light on
subtle processes leading to gender inequities
(MIT 1999). Women faculty recognized the nega
tive impact of the gender climate on their careers
and well being, but felt that complaints would
be fruitless. Women faculty were underpaid rela
tive to comparable men and systematically dis
advantaged in areas such as teaching loads,
assignment of laboratory and office space, access
to mentoring and support, and sponsorship for
awards and other special opportunities. Women
faculty believed they did more mentoring than
their male colleagues. Many had experienced
sexual harassment, and women believed they
would be seriously penalized for having a child
or otherwise investing heavily in family.


Few differences in teachers pedagogical style by
gender appear at either the K 12 or the postse
condary level. Where differences exist, they
reflect the differential distributions of women
and men across elementary and secondary teach
ing and their locations in different academic spe
cialties using variable pedagogical approaches.
Nevertheless, widespread concern that too few
men are entering teaching and that male stu
dents in public schools in particular lack male
role models has resulted in special programs to
recruit men, especially men of color, into teach
ing. Gender differences in pedagogical style at
the postsecondary level are more apparent in pat
terns of out of class mentoring and support than
in classroom performance.


Studies have explored what is taught in schools
about gender, in the formal curriculum and the