Nevertheless, some recent studies disrupt
the tied migrant thesis, and have demons
trated that geographical contingencies (e.g.,
labor market opportunities, childcare support,
public transportation) have a major impact
on post migration labor market status of male
and female partners. For example, Cooke and
Bailey (1996) show that long distance migration
can have a positive effect on female labor
market status in some contexts within the US.
It is contended that this positive effect is tied to
family migrants moving into economic growth
areas. Importantly, this interpretation overlaps
with other migration studies which have exam
ined links between rising female occupational
status and movement into specific locations,
such as Fieldings (1992) conceptualization of
London and the southeast of England as an
escalator region. In essence, these studies
beg questions of the wider geographic perti
nence of the tied migrant thesis.
Overall, the shifting treatment of family
migration since the early 1990s has stimulated
a vibrant interdisciplinary research agenda,
with scholars now posing a broader range of
research questions to investigate the diversity
of family migration. This includes a richer
appreciation of the influence of sociospatial
contingencies on processes and outcomes of
family migration. Tied to this is a growing
interest with the ways in which family forma
tions, ethnicity, race, age, life course, sexuality,
class, and culture cross cut with different
expressions of family migration. Another useful
entry point for future research is the inclusion
of other types of family structure, such as lone
parent, single adult, multi person, and same
sex couples within analyses of family migration,
and the need to transcend the considerable
focus on heterosexual nuclear families.
SEE ALSO: Immigrant Families; Migration:
International; Migration and the Labor Force
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